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Open Letter to the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents Regarding Investments in Israel

In adopting Regent Policy 97-1 on March 7th 1997 (Res.7406), the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents officially recognized that the investment of university money carries with it the responsibility to be responsive to ‘public concerns regarding corporate policies or practices that are discriminatory (as defined by 36.29[1] Wis.Stats.) or cause substantial social injury, and it will take this factor into account’ in considering the viability of its investments. The notion of substantial social injury is defined to include both actions or inactions by a company that ‘violate, subvert, or frustrate the enforcement of rules of domestic or international law intended to protect individuals and/or groups against deprivations of health, safety, basic freedoms or human rights.’

As concerned members of the University Community, we wish to inform the Board of Regents that maintaining investments in companies that do business with the State of Israel and its Armed Forces is a clear violation of policy 97-1.

Since its founding in 1948, the state of Israel has been engaged in a sustained and systematic effort to forcibly expel the Palestinian people from their homeland and by actively preventing their return, to destroy their existence as a national group living in their own territory. Where the direct implementation of this policy has failed to yield the desired result of an exclusive Jewish State encompassing the whole of historical Palestine, alternative regimes and measures have been enforced as a means to the same end. These include the imposition of a 37-year-old military occupation and apartheid regime on the Palestinian population in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and severe social discrimination against Palestinian living in Israel. Under these conditions, Israeli expansionism and the dispossession of the Palestinians has continued unchecked. These policies are not only discriminatory; they are grave violations of international law and constitute severe deprivations of the basic human rights enshrined in internationally recognized treaties and covenants.

As a policy of Apartheid, the treatment of the Palestinians differs from the treatment of black South Africans in two respects. First, the level of violence employed by the Israeli army against the Palestinians far outstrips anything seen under the South African Apartheid regime. Second, Black South Africans could avoid outright removal from the country provided they acquiesced to the policies of the regime whereas the extreme violence of Israeli Apartheid directly serves the goal of expelling non-Jews from Palestine. All of these atrocities have been recognized and documented by the United Nations, major human rights organizations and NGO’s. The collective and individual rights of the Palestinian people – including their right to a political settlement consistent with the demands of reparative justice - are guaranteed by International law and human rights conventions.

Several companies in which University of Wisconsin funds are invested directly contribute to and sustain these practices. To take one example, the Caterpillar Corporation supplies the Israeli Army with specially manufactured armored bulldozers designed to destroy Palestinian homes, farmland, olive groves, fruit orchards, businesses and the basic infrastructure that supports daily life. Israeli human rights groups such as B’tselem and the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions report that since 1967, almost 10,000 Palestinian homes have been demolished in the West Bank and Gaza Strip alone. Amnesty International reports that in the past three and a half years, over 3000 homes, hundreds of public buildings and private commercial properties, and vast areas of agricultural land have been destroyed in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza.

Within Israel, only Palestinian citizens are affected by this policy, not Jewish citizens. In the West Bank and Gaza, these measures are directed at Palestinians under occupation and not at illegal Israeli settlers engaged in colonization on behalf of the state. Palestinians under occupation are not subject to Israeli laws that would afford them domestic protections against such inhumane treatment. The scale of the policy of house demolitions and the denial of the right to due process and judicial review is a state of affairs calculated to facilitate the expulsion of the Palestinians and the colonization of their lands by the Jewish State.

This extreme form of Apartheid denies an entire national community its basic rights on racial or ethnic grounds and separates them from the privileged ethnicity by incorporating racial exclusivity into the very infrastructure of the colonizing state. 

In the Palestinian occupied territories, this has included the construction of illegal fortified ‘Jewish-only’ Israeli settlements on confiscated land connected by a ‘Jewish-only’ system of roads, and the heavily subsidized transfer of hundreds of thousands of the colonizing state’s own civilian population into these settlements in violation of article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

As a people universally recognized to be under military occupation by a foreign power, the Palestinians are protected by international law and human rights covenants. In the text of its recent resolution to divest, in principle and practice, from Israel, the National Lawyers Guild stated explicitly that ‘additional to the Geneva Conventions, as well as other international covenants and the general humanitarian principles of international law, these acts constitute war crimes, and in some cases crimes against humanity.’ By knowingly supplying the Israeli army with equipment used to implement these criminal policies, Caterpillar Corporation, General Dynamics, Northrop-Gruemman, Boeing, Lockheed-Martin, and Raytheon are implicated in the commission of war crimes. As Principle VII of the Nuremberg Tribunal makes clear, ‘complicity in the commission of a ...war crime, or crime against humanity is a crime under international law.’

For example, enabling the destruction of houses or other private property belonging to individuals residing in occupied territory is explicitly forbidden by Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and constitutes collective punishment (Article 33). In addition to frustrating the enforcement of international law, these practices violate domestic laws such as the U.S. Arms and Export Control Act and the U.S. Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 USC sec.2304) which states that ‘no security assistance may be provided to any country the government of which engages in a consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.’ In a recent letter to Caterpillar CEO James Owens, the office of the U.N. Commissioner on Human Rights noted these concerns and reminded Caterpillar that dealing with the Israeli Army is also a violation of its own code of business conduct.

An international consensus is now crystallizing around opposition to these practices. The International Court of Justice has ruled that Israel's Wall violates international law and the fundamental human rights of the Palestinians. The wall is a tool of colonization and apartheid. It extends deep into the West Bank effectively annexing 60% of the remaining Palestinian lands. Discriminatory administrative measures augment the conditions created by the wall and will eventually lead to the confinement of the entire Palestinian people in disconnected Bantustans ruled by Israel. Recognizing the injustice of these policies and the harm they cause to both Palestinians and Israelis, civil society organizations around the globe have chosen to take concrete action by divesting their holdings in companies that do business with Israel. The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, The National Lawyers Guild, Pax Christi of New Zealand, and The Anglican Consultative Council are a few examples of organizations who have either adopted divestment resolutions or are actively considering doing so.

In the same way that Apartheid South Africa was boycotted and isolated economically, socially, and politically until the racist regime came to an end, the severity of Israel’s violations necessitates a boycott until the demands of reparative justice for the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine are met, including the end of military occupation and apartheid, the return of the Palestinian Refugees to their homeland, and equality under the law for all - irrespective of ethnic or national origin. As concerned and conscientious members of the University community and part of a growing global movement for a principled and just peace in historical Palestine, we urge and will continue to urge the University of Wisconsin Board of Regents to recognize that divesting its holdings in companies that do business with the Apartheid state of Israel is a moral imperative and an act that signifies a commitment to basic human rights, international law, human freedom and flourishing. Our campaign will continue until these ends are achieved.

We hope the Board of Regents can take our position into consideration.

Sincerely,
Mohammed Abed
Al-Awda: The Palestinian Right to Return Coalition
and Alternative Palestinian Agenda

1948 - 2005 Copyright Al-Awda (The Palestine Right to Return Coalition) at the University of Wisconsin - Madison.
All Rights Reserved.